Great Powers and World Order encourages critical thinking about the nature of world order by presenting the historical information and theoretical concepts needed to make projections about the global future. Charles W. Kegley and Gregory Raymond ask students to compare retrospective cases and formulate their own hypotheses about not only the causes of war, but also the consequences of peace settlements. Historical case studies open a window to see what strategies for constructing world order were tried before, why one course of action was chosen over another, and how things turned out. By moving back and forth in each case study between history and theory, rather than treating them as separate topics, the authors hope to situate the assumptions, causal claims, and policy prescriptions of different schools of thought within the temporal domains in which they took root, giving the reader a better sense of why policy makers embraced a particular view of world order instead of an alternative vision.
Table des matières
Preface
Acknowledgments
About the Authors
PART I: THE VIOLENT ORIGINS OF THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD ORDER
Chapter 1 Great-Power Struggles for Primacy in the Modern Era
The Westphalian Foundations of the Modern State System
What Are Great Powers?
Regularities in Great-Power Behavior
Contending Approaches to World Order
Building World Order in the Aftermath of Hegemonic War
Key Terms
Chapter 2 World War I and the Versailles Settlement
The Origins of the First World War
The Armistice and Arrangements for a Peace Conference
Balance-of-Power Theory and World Order
Woodrow Wilson and The Liberal Tradition in World Politics
National Self-Interest Confronts Wilsonian Idealism
The Versailles Settlement
A World in Disarray
Key Terms
Chapter 3 World War II and the Birth of the Liberal Order
The Origins of the Second World War
Planning for a Postwar World Order
Spheres-of-Influence versus Universalist Models of World Order
The Political Economy of World Order
A World Divided
Key Terms
PART II: THE FITFUL EVOLUTION OF THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD ORDER
Chapter 4 The Cold War and Its Consequences
The Origins of the Cold War
The Course of the Cold War
The Characteristics of the Cold War
The Cold War World Order
Beyond the Cold War
Key Terms
Chapter 5 America’s Unipolar Moment
American Primacy
Primacy and World Order
Democratic Peace Theory and American Foreign Policy
Rethinking State Sovereignty in an Era of Globalization
Anticipatory Self Defense and Preventive War
The Twilight of Unipolarity
Key Terms
Chapter 6 Unraveling the Liberal Order
Donald Trump and Conservative Thought on Foreign Policy
The Jacksonian Turn in American Foreign Policy
Power Without Principle
Key Terms
PART III: FORGING A NEW WORLD ORDER
Chapter 7 The Range of Great-Power Choice
Viewing System Transformation in Historical Context
Great-Power Options for Shaping World Order
Coordinated Consultation and World Order
Legitimacy and World Order
Key Terms
Chapter 8 Rethinking World Order
Change and Continuity in Contemporary World Politics
Critical Questions for World Order in the Twenty-First Century
The Quest for World Order
Key Terms
Suggested Readings
Glossary
Notes
Index
A propos de l’auteur
Gregory A. Raymond (Ph.D. University of South Carolina, B.A. Park College) is Distinguished Professor Emeritus at Boise State University, where he was the inaugural holder of the Frank and Bethine Church Chair of Public Affairs, and served as the founding director of the Honors College, Chairman of the Department of Political Science, and director of the Survey Research Center. A veteran of the U.S. Army and former Pew Faculty Fellow at Harvard University, Raymond has received Boise State’s outstanding researcher and outstanding teacher awards, served on the Idaho State Board of Education’s Higher Education Research Council, and was selected as the Idaho Professor of the Year in 1994 by the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. He has published over 100 articles, reviews, and op-ed essays, and has lectured on international issues at universities and research institutes in 22 countries. His work has been supported by grants from the American Political Science Association, the United States Institute of Peace, the United States State Department, and other government agencies.
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